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EXPOSED: How BUA Shortchanges FG Billions In Sugar Imports

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One of the three investors in Nigeria’s Backward Integration Plan on sugar, BUA Sugar Refinery has allegedly been shortchanging the Federal Government to the tune of billions of naira, which the company enjoys as concessions on import duty and levy for raw imported sugar, by not producing an ounce of sugar since the BIP was initiated, findings have revealed.

BUA’s performance in the BIP already rated as poor and unacceptable by the National Sugar Development Council after the initial 4 years of BIP implementation continues to dip by the day, but its import quota on the other hand is rising, as the company appears more focused on importing raw sugar for its refinery which has been expanded recently.

In 2020 BUA got a 360,000mt presidential quota allocation, out of which it utilized 313,700mt and has now applied for 600,000mt import quota for 2021, without a complementary investment in backward integration, which is a pre-condition for enjoying increased import quota under the concessionary tariff.

At the end of the First Phase of the NSMP (2013-2016), BUA reportedly raked in N66.5billion profit from accrued tariff concessions and ploughed back only N9.3billion out of that into the BIP, a far cry from other investors who channeled a minimum of 50% back into the BIP.

Despite a 2017 radical review of the entire BIP strategy as well as the entire reward and sanction regime of the National Sugar Master Plan, which has placed emphasis on cultivation, jobs creation and local manufacture as a pre-requisite for quota allocation, BUA is yet to produce sugar locally like other stakeholders in the industry.

Cumulative Satellite monitoring data obtained from an anonymous source in the NSDC shows gross discrepancies between the self-reported performance figures (amount of land cultivated for sugar cane) by BUA’s Lafarge Sugar Mill with what is actually on the ground verified by the satellite imagery.

BUA claims to have developed 6,500ha of land by May 2020 with 2,220 ha cultivated with sugar cane, however satellite images show that since 2016 only 473ha were developed and cultivated, despite enjoying billions in concessionary rights Nigerians are yet to see or have a taste of BUA sugar. A sugar factory without sugar cane represents a smoking gun for the Federal Government to investigate.

A 2015 dated letter from the NSDC shows that BUA was slammed a suspension from enjoying the privileges of tariff concessions for failing to follow the examples of productive backward integration programs under the Nigeria Sugar Master Plan. Where other stakeholders were in re-investing profits from the tariff concessions into local sugar factories, BUA sugar rather was investing in the building of a new import-driven refinery in Port-Harcourt in flagrant disregard of the suspension of further sugar refinery development in the country.

What the country clearly needed at that time according to NSDC was an investment in sugarcane to sugar production to move the country out of its dependence on sugar imports, save foreign exchange and create jobs for Nigerians.

In another letter BUA was also denied an additional quota for raw sugar imports to service the new Port-Harcourt refinery by the NSDC, citing the need to protect the policy that was put in place to halt import dependency while stimulating investments, such as would harness the nation’s natural endowments for production of sugar from sugarcane.

The council also chided BUA for failing to demonstrate the level of commitment expected of him to justify the incentive being enjoyed from the federal government.

How the suspension after 2015 was lifted is still shrouded in mystery, as there has been no demonstrable commitment from BUA to drive the BIP, aside from projections and future dates of production, while it currently continues to enjoy tariff concessions on imports and has requested a quota increase from 313,700mt in 2020 to 600,000mt in 2021.

Given the gravity of infractions from BUA and seemingly no penalty from regulators, would-be investors would be right to assume that there is no level playing ground in the BIP initiative.

The policy still has room to accommodate more private sector players that can ultimately turn the table from importation of raw sugar to local production, to self-sufficiency and net exporter of sugar if the government can show that it is carrying out its regulatory oversight function without fear or favor.

See Documents: NSDC Letter to BUA_Refinery Project

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Investigation

Funds Meant For Arms Purchase ‘Missing’ Under Buratai, Other Service Chiefs – NSA

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Babagana Monguno, National Security Adviser (NSA) has revealed that funds given to former service chiefs for arms purchase not be traced.

On January 26, President Muhammadu Buhari removed the service chiefs in persons of  the Chief of Defence Staff, General Abayomi Olonisakin; Chief of Army Staff, Lt-Gen. Tukur Buratai; Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Ibok Ekwe Ibas; and Chief of Air Staff, Air Marshal Sadique Abubakar.

The president had immediately appointed their replacements in persons of Major-General Leo Irabor, Chief of Defence Staff; Major-General I. Attahiru, Chief of Army Staff; Rear Admiral A. Z. Gambo, Chief of Naval Staff; and Air-Vice Marshal I.O Amao, Chief of Air Staff.

But in an interview with the BBC Hausa on Friday morning, the NSA said neither the money approved by Mr Buhari for arm purchase nor arms was met on ground when the new service chiefs assumed office.

Asked why the government is foot-dragging on fight against banditry, Mr Monguno said the president had done his best by approving huge amount of money for arm purchase but the equipment was not forthcoming.

“Now that he (President Buhari) has brought new people (service chiefs), hopely they will device some ways… I’m not saying the former service chiefs diverted the money, but the money is missing. We don’t know how, and nobody knows for now,” he said.

Asked whether the matter is investigated to trace the funds or the military hardwares, the NSA said the president would investigate the matter.

“The President will surely probe this matter. As we speak, the Nigerian Governors’ Forum too is also wondering where all the money went. I can assure you the president takes issues of this nature seriously.

“The fact is that preliminary investigation showed the funds are missing and the equipment is nowhere to be found.

“When the new service chiefs assumed office, they also said they did see anything on ground,” said the NSA.

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Revealed: How Compromised ICC Plans To Release A Trumped-Up Report On Alleged Indictment Of Nigerian Military Leaders

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Fresh facts have emerged on how the International Criminal Court (ICC) has perfected plans to release a report indicting some members of the military hierarchy for war crimes and crimes against humanity in the prosecution of the war against insurgency in Nigeria.

According to credible sources, the ICC is planning to indict some military hierarchy members, especially those at the forefront of the war against insurgency and terrorism in Nigeria. The source who is a member of an international network of intelligence gathering organization scooped that the bulk of the report was trumped up with little or no evidence to back their position.

“In the coming weeks, the ICC would attempt to cause a global stir by alleging that some military commanders in Nigeria have been found wanting in committing war crimes. We know the ICC report is laced with illogical conclusions as there were no evidence to back the claims. However, some vested interest in the ICC has vetoed for the report to be released” he said.

He further stated that the report did not get the required consensus, but plans have been perfected to make it public.

“From the foregoing, I think that Nigeria should brace up for what to come from the ICC as it would indeed cause some discomfort and distractions in the ongoing war against insurgency.”

This medium also gathered that in a bid to give the report some semblance of credibility, the ICC is relying on some perceived human rights organizations to amplify the report in the public domain through press statements in support of the ICC report.

Another top security source who pleaded anonymity stated that the ICC report is targeted at a top Military commander for his tough stance in the prosecution of the war against insurgency.

“We have credible Intel on who the target of the ICC is, and we also know that the ranks of the ICC must have been infiltrated by some very powerful interest in the middle east who have devoted large sums of monies to ensure that the ICC indicts Nigeria for an incidence that happened some years back that almost sparked a diplomatic row between Nigeria and the country which has considerable interest in the affairs of Nigeria.”

“I tell you that at this stage there is no turning back for the ICC because the body has been compromised greatly with massive monetary inducement. But I tell you that the plot will fail because there would be a backlash as there is no tangible evidence that suggests that crimes against humanity were committed; instead, it is the other way round.”

According to some correspondence seen by this medium, Amnesty International and Transparency International have been conscripted into the plot to provide backup to the ICC. In one of the mails tagged “ the urgency of now” the focus is to recruit willing individuals and groups in Nigeria to lend support to the cause that is tailored towards bringing about ” necessary change” in Nigeria.”

This fact was also corroborated by a top intelligence source who pleaded anonymity due to the sensitivity of the issues at stake. He stated that “Amnesty International and Transparency are part of the ICC’s plot to discredit Nigeria. They have been covertly mobilizing willing individuals and groups under the tag of 2021 retreat for enhancing human rights compliance in Nigeria.”

“I tell you that the plot is real. It is a destabilization plot that if allowed to succeed, the consequences might be severe as it would greatly affect the efforts towards addressing the security challenges in the country.”

“The involvement of the ICC is the height of the desperation as all previous plots have failed and due to the global image of the ICC, an indictment would open a flurry of opening for scathing attacks on the Nigerian Military towards ensuring that there is a distraction that would enable insurgent and terrorist groups to regain lost grounds.”

The source further advised Nigerians to be vigilant and wary of invitations for seminars and capacity building workshops by some known civil society organizations.

“Nigerians must be vigilant as in the coming weeks; there would be invitations for capacity building workshops by some local and international organizations, especially from Amnesty International, Transparency International and their proxies. These workshops aim to serve as recruitment avenues towards the grand plot to launch an offensive against Nigeria.”

“The target of this recruitment drive are youths between the ages of 25 and 40 and some of those with considerable social media leverage whose platforms would also be utilized in mobilizing the youthful population in Nigeria for a repeat of something in the mould of the EndSARS campaign.”

It would be recalled that Nigeria has been under constant criticism for the Nigerian military’s role in the war against insurgency and other acts of militancy in parts of the country.

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Insecurity: 3,326 Nigerians Killed In 2020: Borno , Kaduna Leads

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Three thousand, three hundred and twenty-six. That is the number of Nigerians that were reported to have been killed as a result of insecurity in 2020. TheCable reports.

Review of daily media reports in 2020 as well as data from the Council on Foreign Relations, confirm that on the average, nine Nigerians died daily in various attacks and incidents reported from January to December.

The year 2020 began on a sour note on January 1, when Iliya Dafet, a retired teacher, was shot dead by gunmen who invaded his home in Barkin Ladi local government area of Plateau state.

That incident opened the floodgate for a hundred others that became a grisly wellspring of killings, looting and agony.

In the days, weeks and months following, 734 other attacks took place across the country, according to media reports, all of which have been compiled here.

The report did not touch on those killed by security operatives such as the many that died in Enugu state when a security team clamped down on members of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) in August.

It also did not include deaths of suspected criminals or others such as Boko Haram insurgents.

Quick points from the review:

  • There were 735 reported attacks in the country in 2020.
  • Killings were reported in all the months; September had the least with 171 deaths while June led with 451.
  • Borno, Kaduna and Katsina – in that order – had the most deaths.
  • Gombe had just one reported death from one incident, the least among the states.
  • Kaduna was attacked the highest number of times: 78.
  • South-east was the safest zone while north-east and south-west were the most attacked.
  • Nigeria recorded 16 massacres – ie attacks resulting in more than 30 deaths – in 2020.
  • The most prominent causes of deaths were attacks by Boko Haram insurgents, bandits, kidnappers and cultists.

An enquiry via text message to all the police state commands and the force headquarters, notifying them of the casualty figure in an attempt to crosscheck the statistics with official data, but none provided police updated records on victims of insecurity in 2020.

The report found that Gombe was the state with the least number of deaths in such attacks and incidents, recording only one on September 16 when a farmer allegedly killed a motorcyclist.

This was closely followed by Kebbi which reported three deaths; Enugu, five; and Jigawa, nine.

Borno state, which has remained the epicentre of Boko Haram insurgency for the past decade, recorded the highest number of casualties at 665 — 20 percent of the total casualties.

Next in line was Kaduna which accounted for 14.7 percent of the casualties (489); Katsina, 11.3 percent (375); and Zamfara, 6.6 percent (219).

In 2020, The report found 16 reported cases of mass killings – those resulting in more than 30 deaths – during which 717 persons lost their lives in total.

The massacres were rampant in Borno state – which contributed to 43 percent of such killings, all by Boko Haram members – and in other northern states where bandits raided villages at will.

Other states where mass killings were recorded included Katsina with four of such incidents; Kaduna, three; Adamawa and Sokoto, one each.

This might cause you some migraine: Nigeria recorded an average of two attacks daily from January 1 to December 31, with a total of 735 in 2020.

According to the review, December witnessed the highest number of attacks with 85 reported incidents, while the least monthly record was in July with 39 cases.

On the number of casualties recorded monthly, there were 451 deaths recorded in June, the highest in 2020- followed by May and March with 434 and 337 deaths respectively.

Below is a table showing the monthly record of attacks and casualties:

S/N MONTH FREQ OF ATTACKS CASUALTY
1 January 56 278
2 February 60 255
3 March 52 337
4 April 67 256
5 May 65 434
6 June 67 451
7 July 39 198
8 August 51 173
9 September 55 171
10 October 73 281
11 November 65 207
12 December 85 285
TOTAL 735 3326

KADUNA RECORDED AS MANY ATTACKS AS 13 STATES; SOUTH-EAST LEAST AFFECTED ZONE

Kaduna emerged the state that suffered most attacks with 68 incidents, as much as what 13 other states recorded.

This was followed by Borno with 67 reported incidents; Delta, 56; Katsina, 52 and Benue, 41.

South-east recorded the least number of attacks at 47 while north-east and south-west, respectively, had the highest at 111 and 110.

Here is the full list of states and the frequency of attacks they reported:

S/N State Freq of Attack
1 Gombe 1
2 Kebbi 3
3 Kano 4
4 Yobe 4
5 Enugu 5
6 Bauchi 5
7 Sokoto 5
8 Jigawa 6
9 Abia 6
10 Imo 9
11 Osun 10
12 Kwara 10
13 Akwa Ibom 10
14 Ogun 11
15 Cross River 11
16 Adamawa 11
17 Anambra 12
18 Bayelsa 12
19 FCT 14
20 Ekiti 14
21 Ebonyi 15
22 Nasarawa 16
23 Kogi 19
24 Ondo 22
25 Rivers 22
26 Taraba 23
27 Edo 25
28 Lagos 25
29 Niger 27
30 Zamfara 27
31 Oyo 28
32 Plateau 29
33 Benue 41
34 Katsina 52
35 Delta 56
36 Borno 67
37 Kaduna 78
TOTAL 735

Ayodele Oluwafemi and Jesupemi Are contributed to this data project.

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